Press coverage of lone-actor terrorism in the UK and Denmark: shaping the reactions of the public,affected communities and copycat attackers

Following 9/11, Al-Qaeda-orchestrated plots were considered the greatest threat to Western security and sparked the coalition’s war on terror. Close to a decade later, the post-9/11 threat landscape had shifted significantly, leading then CIA-director Leon Panetta to describe “the lone-wolf strategy” as the main threat to the United States. Subsequent lone-actor attacks across the West, including the cities of London, Nice, Berlin, Stockholm, Ottawa and Charleston, further entrenched perspectives of a transformed security landscape in the “after, after-9/11” world. The unique features of lone-actor terrorism, including the challenges of interdiction and potential of copycat attacks, mean that the media is likely to play a particularly important role in shaping the reactions of the public, affected communities and copycat attackers. This article presents findings from a content analysis of British and Danish newspaper reporting of lone-actor terrorism between January 2010 and February 2015. The study highlights that lone-actor terrorism is framed, with national variations, as a significant and increasing problem in both countries; that Islamist lone-actors are often represented as distinct from far-right lone-actors; and that some reporting, despite relatively limited amplification of specific terrorist messages, potentially aids lone-actors by detailing state vulnerabilities to attacks.     

A conceptual replication of the Strategic Training Initiative in Community Supervision (STICS)

Objectives

This study was an attempt to replicate the findings from an earlier experimental evaluation of a probation officer training program by Bonta et al. (Criminal Justice and Behavior, 38: 1127–1148, 2011). An experimental design was used with an improvement in the random assignment of clients and was tested with a sample of probation officers from a new jurisdiction.

Methods

Probation officers from the Canadian province of Alberta were randomly assigned to training or probation-as-usual. Officer behavior was measured by audio recordings of supervision sessions and recidivism was defined as a new conviction within 2 years of the initial recording. Attrition resulted in 27 probation officers submitting audio recordings of supervision sessions over a 6-month period (15 in the experimental group and 12 in the control). There were 160 recordings of 81 probationers submitted.

Results

The audio recordings showed inconsistent changes in officer behavior and no differences in recidivism between the clients of the experimental and control probation officers. However, the use of cognitive techniques by the probation officers was associated with a longer time to recidivism. In addition, by 10 months, more than half of the trained officers stopped their involvement in ongoing professional development activities.

Conclusion

Although the study failed to replicate the major findings reported by Bonta et al., it did highlight the importance of cognitive techniques in officer training. The results are interpreted with respect to the replication literature and the difficulties inherent in direct and conceptual replications especially in real-world settings.

     

营商环境下我国民营企业保护与规制的博弈

营商环境下,支持民营企业的改革与发展,确保民营企业家的人身和财产安全,有助于民营经济更好更快发展。在保障民营企业合法权益之时,应当注意民营企业经营过程中的违法违规行为,加强对其规范化经营的引导与监管。兼顾民营企业的保护与规制,就是要防止法律规制民营企业的前置化,坚持刑法适用的谦抑性,审慎适用刑法手段,注重刑法最后手段的非犯罪化、非刑罚化、轻刑化,同时改变法律关于民营企业监管的滞后性局面,推行企业失信惩戒机制,创新消费者维权机制,建立积极作为的市场监管机制。     

Do As I Did Not As I Say: Blair,New Labour and Party Traditions

Corbynism, to its internal critics, is a ‘hard left’ anachronism. New Labour, to its detractors, was basically Thatcherism. We argue that these meta narratives, critical to internal identity, are flawed. They are pulling the party apart for reasons of political strength and at the expense both of broader interpretation and longer-term cohesion. Through an analysis of ‘early’ New Labour, we show that how Blair’s project ended is not how it began, and therefore isn’t the whole story. The now half-forgotten history of New Labour in opposition holds important lessons, including for those trying—for the most part unsuccessfully—to keep the ‘modernising’ flame alive. If the modernisers are to win more converts to their cause they must learn to do what Blair and New Labour did in opposition and not what Blair says today. Drawing on the concept of Labour’s ‘ethos’, we offer five lessons from the party’s past.     

我国慈善捐赠政策的政策变迁与工具选择 ——基于中央层面的政策文本分析

慈善捐赠政策工具的有效使用是连接慈善目标与慈善结果的关键桥梁.采用内容分析法,对中央层面的慈善捐赠政策文本进行筛选、编码与分析,结果显示:受社会环境等多重因素影响,我国慈善捐赠政策呈现明显的阶段性特征;在基本政策工具维度上,慈善捐赠政策存在强制型工具偏多、混合型工具使用不均衡、自愿型工具短缺等特征;在慈善捐赠发展要素维度上,政策工具使用广泛,但不同领域、阶段应用程度不一.未来,政府应该优化政策工具结构,合理匹配政策工具,落实慈善捐赠管理,以完善慈善捐赠政策体系.     

Prisons or Problem-Solving: Does the Public Support Specialty Courts?

ABSTRACT

Recently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics.     

高仿真制模伪造指印的识别研究

目的探究高仿真制模伪造指印的识别方法。方法选取多个印泥指印作为母版,分别采用曝光法制作指模,将母版指印与对应的伪造指印进行整体比较及显微比较。结果伪造指印较母版指印尺寸存在差异、纹线略变粗、纹线间隔略变小、细节特征易黏连、细小痕迹及细微特征不反映或反映不全、单根纹线的墨迹分布平实且缺少细微漏白等。结论识别伪造指印需要对指印的墨迹分布、尺寸、纹线粗细及间隔、细节特征、细小痕迹、细微特征及其他盖印痕迹进行综合分析,其中墨迹分布特征是识别伪造指印的主要依据。     

The New Gulf Order: Crisis,Mediation, and Reconciliation

The longevity and depth of regional challenges in the Middle East have elevated political and security concerns to a new level within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in recent years. Three conflicting worldviews have confronted one another, resulting in debilitating consequences for the region. Increasing fragmentation of Arab politics, in turn, has engendered attempts at enforced Arab unity that have ultimately failed, further dividing and destabilizing the regional order. This article delineates the background of the Gulf crisis of 2017 within the broader context of the Arab Spring and analyzes the ensuing attempts at mediation, the US role in the region, political developments in Kuwait and Oman, normalization efforts with Israel, and the recent resolution of the Gulf crisis by examining various actors’ political roles.     

Racial Stereotypes and Asian American Youth Paradox

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Asian Americans are simultaneously stereotyped as a perpetual foreigner and a model minority. This cross-sectional study of 308 Filipino American youth (mean age...     

日常性:民族地区社会工作的实践取向

解决好我国社会工作在区域之间"不平衡"的发展问题,将是社会工作专业进一步参与提升民族地区基层社会治理能力和治理体系现代化水平的重要着力点和突破口.但当前民族地区社会工作发展的相关研究,为了突出民族地区的特殊性,将文化本身从当地的日常生活中抽离出来,成为研究的客体和对象,忽略了民族地区社会工作的"日常性",即少数民族群众生活的绵延性和社会工作的结构性的矛盾与统一.从日常性出发,民族地区社会工作应当遵循浸入而非介入、主体而非客体、理解而非解释、互构而非设计的实践取向.